Mahathir's Sordid History With PAS

Despite almost being 100, Tun Mahathir still refuses to take a backseat in politics. The grand old man, a lifelong advocate for Malay rights, has long seen PAS as his rival in the battle of the Malay soul.

In the 1999 general election, PAS captured Terengganu from the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). As the prime minister and president of UMNO at the time, Mahathir ceased petroleum royalty payments to PAS-led Terengganu for resources extracted within the state, despite its economic underdevelopment being one of the worst in Malaysia. Hadi Awang served as the chief minister of Terengganu back then, and his relationship with Mahathir soured as a result.

This long-term rivalry with PAS stems from a deep ideological disagreement with Mahathir’s idea for the future of the Malay ethnic group. PAS's ideology of political Islam, where Islam serves as the guiding principle for social behavior and politics, clashed with UMNO's focus on Malay nationalism. PAS also emphasized spiritual advancement, while UMNO was perceived as more concerned with economic and material goals. Since the Malaysian constitution mandates Malays to adhere to the Islamic faith, PAS and UMNO essentially compete for the same pool of voters.

Given that the 80-90s were a turbulent time for Islamic politics on a global level due to the 1979 Iranian Revolution, Mahathir believed that he needed an Islamic counterpoint to PAS, thus bringing Anwar into the fold, and planting the seed for the decades-long drama that permeates every aspect of Malaysian politics till today.

It is ironic the that despite this history, in May 2023, PAS President Hadi Awang endorsed the 'Malay Proclamation,' a 12-point document drafted by Mahathir that calls for the unity of Malays to "reclaim the political power of Malays." However, the proclamation asserts that Malays have "lost" political control, presumably under the current Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, and urges setting aside political differences to "revive" and "protect" the Malay race.

Mahathir's argument holds some validity as he contends that Malays are divided into three political factions. In the November 2022 general election in Malaysia, the Malay vote was split among three rival coalitions: Perikatan Nasional (PN), Barisan Nasional (BN), and Pakatan Harapan (PH), in descending order. The unity government led by Anwar is a coalition of PH, BN, and East Malaysian parties.

However, Mahathir’s brand has largely suffered since GE14, with Malays arguably seeing him as a desperate old man peddling an outdated ideology. Given that, no attention should be given to him at this point.

 Let the man lie with his legacy.

Kegagalan Syed Saddiq Tunai Janji Politik & Langgar Ideologi

Kepercayaan rakyat adalah faktor terpenting dalam menentukan kejayaan seseorang pemimpin politik.

Pemimpin yang dilabel sebagai berjaya adalah mereka yang mampu menunaikan janji politik serta mempertahankan nilai ideologi masing-masing.

Namun, berlainan pula dengan ahli Parlimen Muar merangkap Presiden parti Ikatan Demokratik Malaysia (MUDA), Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman.

Ramai pihak menyifatkan Syed Saddiq gagal menunaikan janji politik serta mengkhianati ideologi yang diperjuang oleh beliau.

Syed Saddiq dianggap sebagai pemimpin yang tidak mampu menunaikan janji politik mereka.

Antara janji politik yang pernah ditabur oleh Syed Saddiq adalah mahu membawa pulang kesemua rakyat Malaysia yang bekerja di Singapura.

Malangnya janji hanya tinggal janji. Rakyat Malaysia lebih berminat untuk bekerja di Singapura kerana penawaran gaji yang lebih lumayan berbanding di negara ini.

Syed Saddiq turut pernah berjanji untuk membina 1,000 buah rumah mampu milik untuk penduduk di Muar.

Namun, rumah yang dijanjikan masih tiada bayang dan janjinya itu masih dituntut oleh penduduk Muar sehingga ke hari ini.

Kegagalan demi kegagalan untuk menunaikan janji menyebabkan pengkritik politik berpandangan bahawa Syed Saddiq gagal memberikan perubahan yang nyata serta memenuhi harapan rakyat.

Syed Saddiq sebelum ini memperjuangkan ideologi reformasi dalam politik Malaysia khususnya apabila beliau menubuhkan MUDA.

MUDA bagaimanapun gagal menyerlahkan ideologi berkenaan dan Syed Saddiq turut mengambil keputusan yang bertentangan dengan ideologi reformasi.

Beliau dilihat membuat keputusan berdasarkan kepentingan politik peribadinya dan tidak konsisten dalam memperjuangkan isu-isu utama negara.

Ada ketikanya, Syed Saddiq akan 'menyerang' pihak A dan ada masanya, beliau akan 'menyerang' pihak B. Serangan itu berbentuk rawak dan lebih bersifat 'individu'.

Syed Saddiq perlu menekankan lebih jelas bentuk reformasi yang mahu dibawa oleh beliau dan partinya kerana sehingga kini, ramai merasakan ideologi itu gagal.

Syed Saddiq sebelum ini pernah diberi harapan oleh rakyat untuk memperjuangkan keadilan sosial, merapatkan jurang perkauman dan menggalakkan keharmonian antara kaum di negara ini.

Namun, Syed Saddiq telah menghancurkan harapan berkenaan khususnya melibatkan beberapa isu kontroversi melanda beliau.

Antara isu yang popular melibatkan Syed Saddiq berlaku pada tahun ini, apabila beliau menyuruh semua ahli MUDA beragama Islam melawat rumah ibadah agama lain.

Tindakan itu mendapat tentangan daripada mufti yang menegaskan umat Islam yang tiada kepentingan dan keperluan dilarang menziarahi rumah ibadat bukan Islam kerana dibimbangi terpesong akidah jiak tiada ilmu serta iman.

Perbuatan itu bukan sahaja mencetuskan retorik perkauman malahan berisiko menimbulkan perpecahan selain mewujudkan perasaan tidak selesa dalam kalangan rakyat negara ini.

Syed Saddiq sewajarnya perlu mengambil langkah lebih pasif khususnya dalam isu yang sensitif seperti hal perkauman.

Tindakan sedemikian memberi gambaran bahawa Syed Saddiq bukan individu yang mampu menggalakkan keharmonian antara kaum di Malaysia.

Tuntasnya, kegagalan Syed Saddiq dalam menunaikan janji politik serta melanggar ideologinya telah mendapat kritikan daripada pelbagai pihak.

Ketidakmampuan Syed Saddiq untuk memenuhi harapan rakyat serta mengambil keputusan yang kontroversi telah merosakkan imej beliau sebagai pemimpin politik.

Kepercayaan rakyat adalah aset paling berharga dalam politik dan Syed Saddiq gagal meraih kepercayaan rakyat, sekali gus tidak layak untuk menerajui negara.

Adalah penting untuk Syed Saddiq menilai semula pendekatannya dan melaksanakan perubahan yang dijanjikan bagi memulihkan keyakinan rakyat.

Hipokrasi Mahathir Harus Dihentikan

Bekas Perdana Menteri, Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad sedang memperjuangkan naratif Melayu melalui Proklamasi Melayu.

Beberapa pemimpin politik seperti Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang dan Tan Sri Annuar Musa turut mengadakan pertemuan dengan Mahathir bagi membincangkan soal proklamasi berkenaan.

Namun pengkritik politik menyifatkan tindakan Mahathir menganjurkan Proklamasi Melayu itu hanya sekadar 'mitos'.

Mereka mengatakan Mahathir sebenarnya punca perpecahan kaum Melayu sejak sekian lama.

Mahathir didakwa mengetepikan sentimen orang Melayu ketika menjadi Perdana Menteri dan menggunakan retorik orang Melayu untuk meraih sokongan serta menjatuhkan kerajaan ketika ini.

Sumber: https://www.utusan.com.my/nasional/2023/05/proklamasi-melayu-tanda-tun-m-pernah-pinggir-melayu/

Hipokrasi Mahathir tentang perjuangan untuk orang Melayu perlu dihentikan dan langkah itu perlu bermula dalam kalangan komuniti Melayu.

Komuniti Melayu perlu membina solidariti antara mereka terlebih dahulu.

Tanpa solidariti yang utuh, sebarang bentuk perjuangan atau desakan terhadap golongan atasan seperti Mahathir sukar untuk berjaya.

Ketika ini, solidariti dalam kalangan Melayu tidak sehaluan khususnya dalam isu politik.

Situasi ini boleh dilihat apabila terlalu banyak parti Melayu tumbuh seperti cendawan selepas hujan.

Itu menandakan solidariti dalam kalangan Melayu masih lemah dan perkara tersebut perlu diperbetulkan terlebih dahulu untuk menentang Mahathir.

Komuniti Melayu juga perlu lantang menyuarakan kritikan terhadap pemimpin politik seperti Mahathir.

Banyak platform boleh digunakan bagi membantah tindakan Mahathir yang seolah-olah menggunakan nama Melayu untuk kepentingan peribadi.

Naratif Mahathir boleh dikritik secara fakta dan statistik tanpa menimbulkan sebarang fitnah.

Platform seperti TikTok, YouTube dan Facebook boleh digunakan secara meluas untuk menentang perjuangan berbentuk 'omong kosong' Mahathir.

Meskipun ada pengkritik politik di negara ini, namun suara kritikan dalam kalangan Melayu perlu diperkukuhkan lagi supaya Mahathir sedar bahawa perjuangannya itu tidak mendapat sokongan daripada kaum Melayu sendiri.

Kaum Melayu juga perlu sehaluan dalam memilih seorang pemimpin Melayu yang mampu menentang suara Mahathir.

Ketika ini, sokongan kaum Melayu berbelah bahagi dan disifatkan belum kukuh menyokong mana-mana pemimpin Melayu.

Disebabkan faktor itu, Mahathir masih terus menggunakan naratif perjuangan Melayu untuk 'membasuh minda' orang Melayu.

Jika orang Melayu dapat bersatu hati dan memilih seorang pemimpin yang lantang menangkis sebarang cubaan bersifat buruk Mahathir, maka Mahathir berkemungkinan besar tidak mampu menggunakan naratif sama pada masa hadapan.

Parti Melayu juga perlu bergabung dalam satu payung yang sama bagi membolehkan usaha ini dapat berjalan dengan lancar.

Orang Melayu perlu bangkit dalam menentang sebarang tindakan yang sebenarnya hanya mencetuskan sentimen perkauman oleh pemimpin politik seperti Mahathir.

Sudah tiba masanya orang Melayu mengatakan kepada Mahathir bahawa beliau tidak lagi menerima sokongan orang Melayu.

Banyak peluang sudah diberikan oleh orang Melayu kepada Mahathir namun disia-siakan selama beberapa dekad.

Orang Melayu perlu menyedarkan Mahathir bahawa peluang diberikan kepada beliau sudah tamat dan terlambat.

A Response to Mahathir's RM150 Million Lawsuit

A recent viral video featuring Tun Mahathir, the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, has once again placed him in the spotlight as he criticizes the current administration and even the royal institution for their supposed failure to protect the Malays.

This is not the first time Mahathir has made such statements, as he has been engaging in attention-grabbing behaviour since his retirement during the Sheraton Move. The reason for this behaviour is quite apparent, as Mahathir has been embroiled in a bitter feud with Anwar Ibrahim over the latter's accusations that Mahathir owns assets worth billions of ringgit.

Mahathir, in return, filed an RM150 million lawsuit over claims that he amassed wealth for personal riches while in power. He also stated that all his children succeeded in the business world without his intervention or any abuse of power by him as a then-prime minister.

We can afford to give Mahathir respect for helping the country industralize, but that respect does not extend towards wholeheartedly believing his justifications towards the wealth of his family.

Anwar has recently accused Mahathir of owning planes, ships, and companies worth billions of ringgit but not using these resources to help the Malays in the nation. Mahathir, in turn, has defended his children's wealth, claiming that it is due to their hard work and has nothing to do with his time as Prime Minister.

Yet it is hard to not believe the rumors that the collective wealth of his family can put the GDP of several countries to shame – take a look at the lavish lifestyles of Mokhzani or Mirzan or even the lives of their children.

Taking a look at his time in office, perhaps we can forgive Mahathir for enriching his family, calling this an extension of his konsep “payung policy” – which obstensibly comprised of a cadre of 100 super-rich bumis, who were supposed to help rural Malays into prosperity under a konsep payung or umbrella concept routed through the United Malays National Organization.

However, this has yet to happen, and the benefits of these schemes have evaded mainly the average Malaysian. Only companies linked to favoured individuals have benefited, and they often received bailouts and "preferred financing" when they failed. The compromised institutional design and regulatory enforcement of the Mahathir era have contributed to the sordid state of Malaysia's infrastructure.

Even his much-vaunted priority for Malays was proven false, as he was no stranger to providing benefits to those who saw as valuable, regardless of their race, as seen in the example of Sir Francis Yeoh and Ananda Krishnan.

Yeoh’s company YTL Power International Bhd would become Malaysia’s first independent power producer after winning the concession in 1993 while Ananda Krishnan would go on to build a multimedia powerhouse, including the likes of Astro Malaysia Holdings Bhd, which was granted an exclusive licence to be the country’s sole pay-television provider until 2017.

The result? Out of the billions generated by the country from the time that Mahathir first became Prime Minister, the chief beneficiary remains those who are close to him.

At this point, Mahathir's continued involvement in politics has become a source of frustration for many Malaysians, who see him as someone who is out of his depth and out of his time.

The country will face greater problems than the ramblings of the elder statesman, and we do not have time to pay attention to him - if Mahathir insists on ruining his own legacy due to his recent actions, let Anwar unveil Mahathir as a simple crony rather a great warrior.